And of course, power ombra cannot obligate one, inasmuch as obligation assumes that one cannot meaningfully do otherwise
one can say this durante general of men: they are ungrateful, disloyal, insincere and deceitful, timid of danger and avid of profit…. Love is verso bond of obligation which these miserable creatures break whenever it suits them onesto do so; but fear holds them fast by a dread of punishment that never passes. (Prince CW 62; translation revised)
As verso result, Machiavelli cannot really be said to have a theory of obligation separate from the imposition of power; people obey only because they fear the consequences of not doing so, whether the loss of life or of privileges.
If I think that I should not obey a particular law, what eventually leads me sicuro submit sicuro that law will be either a fear of the power of the state or the actual exercise of that power
Concomitantly, a Machiavellian perspective directly attacks the notion of any grounding for authority independent of the sheer possession of power. For Machiavelli, people are compelled puro obey purely mediante deference onesto the superior power of the state. It is power which in the final instance is necessary for the enforcement of conflicting views of what I ought esatto do; I can only choose not esatto obey if I possess the power to resist the demands of the state or if I am willing puro accept the consequences of the state’s superiority of coercive force. Machiavelli’s argument durante The Prince is designed preciso demonstrate that politics can only coherently be defined sopra terms of the supremacy of coercive power; authority as verso right onesto command has per niente independent status. He substantiates this assertion by reference onesto the observable realities of political affairs and public life as well as by arguments revealing the self-interested nature of all human conduct. For Machiavelli it is meaningless and sterile preciso speak of any claim to authority and the right onesto command which is detached from the possession of superior political power. The ruler who lives by his rights ombra will surely wither and die by those same rights, because mediante recensioni blackcupid the rough-and-tumble of political conflict those who prefer power preciso authority are more likely preciso succeed. Without exception the authority of states and their laws will never be acknowledged when they are not supported by verso esibizione of power which renders obedience inescapable. The methods for achieving obedience are varied, and depend heavily upon the foresight that the prince exercises. Hence, the successful ruler needs special istruzione.
3. Power, Onesta, and Fortune
Machiavelli presents puro his readers per vision of political rule allegedly purged of extraneous moralizing influences and fully aware of the foundations of politics per the effective exercise of power. The term that best captures Machiavelli’s vision of the requirements of power politics is pregio. While the Italian word would normally be translated into English as “virtue”, and would ordinarily convey the conventional connotation of moral goodness, Machiavelli obviously means something very different when he refers puro the bonta of the prince. Sopra particular, Machiavelli employs the concept of bonta sicuro refer preciso the range of personal qualities that the prince will find it necessary onesto acquire con order onesto “maintain his state” and onesto “achieve great things”, the two norma markers of power for him. This makes it brutally clear there can be giammai equivalence between the conventional virtues and Machiavellian bonta. Machiavelli’s sense of what it is to be per person of onesta can thus be summarized by his recommendation that the prince above all else must possess a “flexible disposition”. That ruler is best suited for office, on Machiavelli’s account, who is breviligne of varying her/his conduct from good to evil and back again “as fortune and circumstances dictate” (Prince CW 66; see Nederman and Bogiaris 2018).